In community after community, mass movements of students and adults rise up to challenge and defy generations of oppression and exploitation. As reported by the Southern Regional Council, direct action protests erupt in some southern cities and towns, and more than 20, demonstrators are arrested for demanding freedom and justice. In retaliation, white racists murder ten people and commit at least 35 bombings. But the effort to intimidate Black citizens with jail, violence, and murder fails.

In his campaign for office, Wallace is supported by the Ku Klux Klan and White Citizens Council. With few Blacks registered to vote in Alabama, he wins a land-slide victory on a rabid anti-Black, pro-segregation, "states-rights," platform. He takes his oath of office standing on the gold star commenorating the spot where Jefferson Davis was sworn in as President of the Confederacy in and declares: Wallace replaces Mann with "Colonel" Al Lingo, a vicious racist with little law enforcement experience.

Under Lingo's command, the Highway Patrol is renamed the State Troopers. It is expanded and transformed into Alabama's armed force for defending segregation and suppressing the Black freedom movement with arrests and brutal violence. For more information on the Alabama Civil Rights Movement: February marks the begining of the 4th year of direct action assaults on segregation since the first Greensboro Sit-in in Across the South, local campaigns carry on the struggle in communities large and small.

These efforts are rarely, if ever, covered by the national media, but taken together they are changing the face of society at the ground level. One typical example is the fight to integrate the Northwood movie theater in Baltimore.

Segregated movie theaters are part of the "southern way of life. While school integration sparks the most intense resistance by segregationists, in many communities their determination to maintain segregation at recreation venues such as theaters, swimming pools, and skating rinks is almost as fierce. The Northwood theater is adjacent to Morgan State, a Black college in Baltimore. The area around the campus and theater is almost all white, except for the Black campus.

For three years the student-led Civic Interest Group CIG has demonstrated against the cinema's white-only policy. In mid-February ofthey sharply escalate their protests. While half a hundred students picket outside, 25 enter the lobby to purchase tickets. When they are denied admission, they refuse to leave and are arrested for Trespass. Among them is Miss Morgan State and other student leaders. Protests and arrests continue. Within a week, close to students and a few professors have been jailed.

Morgan student Julia Davidson-Randall recalls: I was arrested along with about people. When we were arrested, everyone was crying and scared because they had us in jail with the real criminals. My father came to visit. He didn't have the money to get me out because we were poor.

I was in jail when the Howard group sent word that they were on their way, en masse. Suddenly, the mayor woke up and thought, 'Oh, we're not having this.

Clear all the jails out. Just get them out. Forget procedure, just get them out of there. That was real big, there's real, real power in numbers. For more information on the Baltimore Civil Rights Movement: In late February, an anonymous caller warns that the new office SNCC was finally able to rent is going to be destroyed. Four adjacent Black businesses are burnt in a bungled arson attempt, but they miss the SNCC office.

When Sam describes the fire as "arson" at a mass meeting he is arrested for "statements calculated to breach the peace. The Judge offers to suspend the sentence if Sam agrees to leave town and halt efforts to register Black voters.

On Tuesday, February 26, more than Blacks line up at the Courthouse to register to vote. They know they will not be allowed to register, but attempting to do so has become for them a symbol of both pride and defiance.

And the white power-structure recognizes it as such. The police order them to disperse. They hold their ground, remaining in line. The Registrar delays and evades, admitting only a few to fill out the application and take the so-called " literacy test.

But in Leflore County fear is beginning to lose its grip. That night, KKK nightriders ambush a SNCC car on the road, firing 13 rounds from a. Jimmy is hit twice, in the neck and shoulder, and has to be rushed to the nearest hospital willing to treat Black freedom fighters.

From around the nation demands for protection and enforcement of federal voting rights laws are sent to Washington. The Kennedy administration takes no noticeable action. COFO calls on all voter-registration workers in Mississippi to concentrate on Greenwood to show that Klan terror cannot halt a growing freedom movement. Whites shoot at a car containing Sam, Wazir, and local students working with the movement.

Though he knows full well who is responsible, Greenwood mayor Charles Sampson denies that white racists are the perpetrators. He falsely accuses SNCC of faking the attack to garner support. On March 24th the Klan finally succeeds in fire-bombing the office. On the night of March 26, the Klan shoots into the Greene home, narrowly missing three of the children.

The Greenes are a well- respected family in Greenwood's Black community and instead of intimidating people the shooting does just the opposite.

Suddenly, they are attacked by police dogs and beaten by club-wielding cops. SNCC leaders Bob Moses, Jim Forman, Wazir Peacock, Frank Smith, and six Greenwood activists are arrested. I had been with Bob Moses one evening and dogs kept following us down the street.

Bob was saying how he wasn't used to dogs, that he wasn't brought up around dogs, and he was really afraid of them. Then came the march, and the dogs growling and the police pushing us back. And there was Bob, refusing to move back, walking, walking towards the dogs.

By 10am the next morning there are 50 Blacks lined up at the courthouse to register, by noon more than A small army of helmeted police confront them. Again they attack with dogs and clubs.

SNCC field secretary Charlie Cobb reports: With the events of the morning of the 28th, the issues in Greenwood broadened beyond voter registration and became more basic. The issue now was, Did people have a right to walk the streets which they had paid for, with whomever they please, as long as they are orderly and obey all traffic laws? The city's answer was, Not if you're a nigger! There was a very direct link between this issue and voter registration, because for years attempting to register to vote for Negroes meant preparing alone to suffer physical assault while making the attempt, economic reprisals after the attempt, and sometimes death.

To go with friends and neighbors made the attempt less frightening and reduced the chances of physical assault at the courthouse, since cowards don't like to openly attack numbers. It also reduced the chance of economic reprisal, since the firing of one hundred Negro maids would put the good white housewives of Greenwood in a bind 'tis a grim life for Miss Ann without Mary, Sally, or Sam.

Hoping to force the Department of Justice to file suit against the county's interference with the right to vote, they refuse to pay the fine or pay bail while the case is appealed.

But the Department of Justice under Attorney General Robert Kennedy cuts a deal instead. Eager to halt the embarrasing news stories coming out of Greenwood, the Feds agree not to file a voting rights suit against local officials.

In return, the Greenwood power-structure agrees to release Moses and the others without bond while their case is appealed, and to stop using police brutality against Blacks trying to register. The county also agrees to resume food distribution so long as it is paid for by the federal government in other words, the Feds supply not only the food, but also pick up the distribution costs which everywhere else in the nation are carried by the county. This allows Leflore politicians to assure their segregationist supporters that local taxes are not being used to "reward uppity Blacks" with free food.

With the cops no longer attacking Blacks trying to register to vote, embarrassing photos stop coming out of Greenwood, which relieves the Kennedys. But the deal only halts police repression. The KKK continues to threaten Black voters with terrorist violence and the Citizens Council continues to coerce Blacks with economic terror, firing and evicting those who try to register. And without federal voting rights enforcement, the Registrar is free to continue rigging the application and "literacy test" to prevent most Blacks from actually registering.

In the following months, Blacks risk life and economic survival by journeying to the courthouse, but only a handful are added to the voting rolls. See Voter Registration Movement Expands in Mississippi for continuation. For more information on the Greenwood and Mississippi Civil Rights Movement: In late March ofCambridge demonstrations resume when the movie theater, which had refused to desegregate during the protestsincreases segregation by limiting Blacks to the back rows of the balcony rather than the entire balcony as had been the previous practice.

Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee CNAC leaders Gloria Richardson, Enez Grubb, and Sally Garrison, along with Civic Interest Group CIG leader Clarence Logan, meet with the Mayor and town council. They demand real school desegregation, equal job opportunities, better housing, and desegregation of recreation venues such as the cinema and skating rink. The white power-structure rebuffs them. They are opposed by a jeering mob of whites.

Gloria and 16 others are arrested for "Tresspass" and "Disturbing the Peace. Protests, arrests, and harrassment by hostile whites continue through April. By the end of April when demonstrations subside due to lack of bail money, some 80 people have been arrested.

Among them are Swarthmore students Judy Richardson and Penny Patchboth of whom go on to become SNCC field secretaries.

It was the first time I had ever been denied entrance to some place. I mean, I was just absolutely enraged. I remember getting very mad that I was not being allowed into this place. My clearest memory, the first one I remember, is trying to integrate the Chop Tank Inn, which was a bar and grill, and it was nasty smelling and stuff, but we were trying to get in there.

But the Black protesters are determined to end segregation in Cambridge, and the tiny sentence infuriates pro-segregation whites. In mid-May demonstrations resume when local Blacks stage a night march downtown. Again and again over the following days CNAC tries to desegregate the theater, skating rink, retaurants, and other venues. Again and again white mobs oppose them. Cambridge students Dwight Cromwell and Dinez White, both 15, lead many of the protests. They are arrested and charged with "Disorderly Conduct" for peacably praying on the sidewalk outside a segregated facility.

Dinez writes a "Letter From a Jail Cell," in which she tells her fellow protesters: Please fight for freedom and let us know that we are not going away in vain. King's famous Letter From a Birmingham Jail. The outrageous jailing of Cromwell and White for the "crime" of praying for an end to segregation further enrages the Black community. The attacks by whites increase, and many Blacks begin turning away from the strict nonviolence of Dr. One CNAC leader states: But if we are attacked, we are not going to turn the other cheek.

The are confronted by a mob of whites who follow them back to the 2nd Ward where they throw rocks and provoke fights. On the 12th there is another march downtown to protest the sentences.

Gloria Richardson urges the marchers to remain nonviolent while protesting. Large numbers of Maryland State Troopers are on hand, but they side with the whites. The next day more than again march downtown. Some of them carry weapons to defend themselves from the white mob which is waiting for them.

Black men arm themselves and guard the perimeter of the 2nd Ward to protect the community from attack by whites. CNAC remains committed to nonviolence on demonstrations, but does not oppose community self-defense against white violence. On the night of June 14, several white-owned stores in the 2nd Ward are set on fire by persons unknown. Shots are exchanged between whites and Blacks, there are gunshot casualties, and rocks are thrown at the police when they enter the area in force.

When CNAC refuses to accept a one-year moratorium on protests, Governor Tawes sends in the Maryland National Guard and declares Martial Law. Hundreds of guardsmen are deployed on Race Street, with more in reserve. Race Street is the dividing line between the Black 2nd Ward and the white areas.

CNAC welcomes the National Guard because the local and state police consistently side with the white mob and offer little protection to the Black community from white assaults and fire bombings. Whites resent the Guard presence, calling them an "army of occupation. After more fruitless negotiations, CNAC resumes sit-ins and marches.

Again white mobs form to attack the demonstrators. On the 12th, whites attack half a dozen protesters sitting-in at a restaurant, Blacks come to their defense and there is a wild street brawl.

Later that evening marchers are assaulted by a white mob, and night riders drive through the 2nd Ward exchanging gunfire with Black defenders. White-owned stores are set on fire. The Baltimore Afro-American writes: The National Guard is recalled to Cambridge where they remain for almost a year, the longest martial law deployment in an American community since the end of Reconstruction.

On July 23rd, U. Attorney General Robert Kennedy personally convenes a marathon meeting with Gloria Richardson, John Lewis of SNCC, and Cambridge and Maryland officials. After 9 hours of intense negotiation they announce the "Treaty of Cambridge," an agreement that meets most of the original demands that CNAC presented to the city.

In return for a moratorium on protests, the power-structure agrees to establish a biracial committee including CNAC representatives, end segregation in public accomodations, desegregate the schools, construct public housing, and implement an innovative jobs program funded by the federal government.

Behind the scenes, intervention by Attorney General Robert Kennedy RFK eventually frees Dwight Cromwell and Dinez White after three months in Juvenile prison. Gloria and other CNAC leaders are wary of RFK's motives and doubt the willingness of Cambridge officials to make good on their promises.

The DBCA claims it is not a racist organization, but its actions prove to be little different from those of the White Citizen Council. They refuse to acknowledge that Blacks have a right of equal access to public facilities, housing, and jobs. Though the DBCA aggressively registers pro-segregation voters, they are outnumbered by the combined vote of the Black community and the white "moderates," so everyone expects the segregation referendum to be defeated.

Then Gloria Richardson and CNAC call on the Black community to boycott the referendum because human rights must never be subject to majority vote. A "right" is only a right if it cannot be taken from you even if the majority wish to do so.

If the majority can vote to deny basic human rights to a minority, then nobody has any permanent rights at all. By participating in the referendum vote, the Movement would be accepting the principle that the majority can revoke the rights of a minority, which CNAC refuses to do. Gloria tells a press conference: A first-class citizen does not beg for freedom. A first-class citizen does not plead to the white power-structure to give him something that the whites have no power to give or take away.

Human rights are human rights, not white rights. Black moderates and white liberals, Cambridge Black ministers, and the NAACP, attack Richardson and CNAC. They argue that the ballot box is the American way of democracy, and urge Cambridge Blacks to vote against the referendum.

Without CNAC's boycott, the referendum would probably have been defeated, but at the cost of accepting the principle that human rights are subject to majority vote. In the end, though, the referendum protects segregation in Cambridge for just 9 months because the Civil Rights Act of overturns segregation in public accomodations nationwide. For more information on the Cambridge Civil Rights Movement: Civil War on Race Street: The Civil Rights Movement in Cambridge Maryland Web: It does not try to cover the economic, political, electoral, and legal conflicts within the white power-structure between the rabid segregationists led by Eugene "Bull" Connor and the so-called "moderates" led by Birmingham Mayor Albert Boutwell and Chamber of Commerce President Sidney Smyer.

Nor does it try to detail the complex and convoluted course of desegregation negotiations and agreements during the period See also Birmingham Movement for books. But across the South as a whole segregation is still the rule rather than the exception, and in the Deep South rigid segregation remains almost universal. And even if a business owner or public official is willing to integrate, states, counties, and cities have laws requiring segregation see Birmingham Segregation Laws for examples.

Nor is it possible to repeal state and local segregation ordinances one by one, or file separate court cases to overturn them in all the myriad jurisdictions. Only national legislation on the federal level can permanently eradicate overtlegally-required, segregation by repealing all segregation laws at a stroke and making equal access to public facilities a matter of national law enforceable in federal court.

The adjacent city of Bessemer is majority Black and overwhelmingly poor. Racial segregation of public and commercial facilities throughout Jefferson County is absolute, legally required, and ruthlessly enforced.

The dominant political boss is Eugene "Bull" Connor, the Commissioner of Public Safety in charge of the police and fire departments.

Violence, and the threat of violence, are pervasive. In the six years between andBlack churches and the homes of Black leaders are bombed 17 times.

Jewish synagogues are also bombed. Insinger Nat King Cole is attacked and beaten on the stage of Municipal Auditorium by members of the White Citizens Council. A year later, Klansmen randomly snatch a Black man from the street, castrate, and kill him. Beatings, rapes, vandalism, and other forms of abuse and terrorism enforce white-supremacy.

But there are some who are not intimidated. When the NAACP is banned in Alabamathe Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth forms the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights ACMHR which, along with the Montgomery Improvement Association MIAbecomes a cornerstone of the newly-formed Southern Christian Leadership Conference SCLC in ACMHR sinks deep roots in the Black community of Birmingham-Bessemer, holding a regular mass-meeting every Monday night, month after month, year after year.

With undaunted courage, Shuttlesworth and the other ACMHR activists carry forward their fight for freedom from racist oppression. Following the successful Montgomery Bus Boycottthey force integration of Birmingham buses. When he tries to enroll his children in a white school, he is brutally beaten with chains.

In May ofwith the connivance of Bull Connor's police force, a KKK mob savagely attacks the Freedom Riders when their bus arrives at the Birmingham depot. Shuttlesworth and ACMHR stalwarts courageously rescue and shelter the battered riders. Project C After pulling out of Albany GA in August ofDr. King and other Movement leaders ponder the strengths and weaknesses of the Albany Movement and the lessons learned from that seminal effort in large-scale nonviolent direct action against segregation.

King consults closely with Shuttlesworth who argues that SCLC should join ACMHR in a major campaign against segregation in Birmingham. SCLC Vice-President Reverend Joseph Lowry of Mobile also supports a show-down in "Bombingham. King then assigns SCLC Executive Director Wyatt T. Walker to prepare a battle plan for Birmingham. Walker's plan, named "Project C" for Confrontationhas three strategic goals: To generate such strong national awareness that the Kennedy administration will be forced to actively defend the civil rights of Americans regardless of their race.

To mobilize enough popular support in the North to break a Southern filibuster, and pass a national civil rights act to overturn all segregation laws everywhere, and outlaw all forms of overt racial discrimination nation-wide.

As SNCC Chairman, and SCLC board-member, John Lewis put it: Our goal in Birmingham was larger than ending segregation in one Southern city. It was our hope that our efforts in Birmingham would dramatize the fight and determination of Afro-American citizens in the Southern states and that we would force the Kennedy administration to draft and push through Congress a comprehensive Civil Rights Act, outlawing segregation and racial discrimination in public accommodations, employment and education.

The basic strategy is to fill the jails with protesters and boycott Birmingham's white merchants during April's Easter shopping-season which is second in economic importance only to the Christmas shopping season. Filling the jails will put direct economic pressure on the city which has to feed and guard the prisoners and at the same time strengthen the Black boycott of the downtown businesses and the politically powerful store-owners.

The demonstrators are expected to be adults and college students who will commit to staying at least 5 or 6 days in jail before being bailed out. The SCLC leaders are under no illusions about the dangers ahead.

And they know that the Klan in "Bombingham" won't hesitate to kill. As Shuttlesworth sums it up: But the Mayoral battle between Boutwell and Connor is extended to an April 2nd run-off vote, forcing a month's delay in the start of Project C.

On the last day of March, Dr. King meets in New York with singer Harry Belafonte and other Northern supporters to raise financial resources for bail money, and organize political support to pressure Kennedy and Congress. During the campaign that follows, Belafonte plays a key role, devoting his full energies to coordinating and mobilizing efforts across the country for the Birmingham Movement and a new civil rights bill. On April 2nd, SCLC sets up its command post in Room 30 of the Black-owned Gaston Motel across the street from Kelly Ingram Park.

Nightly mass meetings begin to mobilize the community around the campaign, the boycott of downtown merchants is declared, and volunteers trained in the tactics and strategies of Nonviolent Resistance step forward to begin lunch counter sit-ins the following day.

On Wednesday, April 3rd, over the signature of Fred Shuttlesworth and N. Smith, ACHMR publicly issues the Birmingham Manifesto setting forth the Black community's demand for an end to the oppression of segregation and their determination to immediately begin a freedom campaign of nonviolent direct action.

This reflects a deep split within Birmingham's white power-structure. The racial "moderates" want to emulate the Albany strategy of defusing the Movement and preventing harsh national publicity by avoiding arrests and dramatic confrontations.

The hard-liners led by Bull Connor with the backing of Alabama Governor George Wallace want to utterly suppress Black aspirations through intimidation, violence, and jailing anyone who dares question the established order.

The split within the power-structure is mirrored within the Black community. Many Black business leaders and conservative ministers fear and oppose direct action. Shuttlesworth derides Boutwell as merely a " dignified Connor ," and Dr. King argues that only nonviolent direct action has the power to effect significant change against the resistance of both the "moderates" and the extremists. With the lunch counters closed, the Movement organizes small marches to City Hall and other government buildings.

Connor arrests the protesters. At the end of the campaign's first week, the boycott is strong with only a handful of Blacks shopping downtown. Around protesters are in jail, but this is far fewer than Walker's Project C plan had hoped for, and there is little coverage in the national press.

With the support of the Boutwell faction, Connor obtains an injunction from an Alabama state court prohibiting all future demonstrations. The next day, Thursday, April 11, King, Shuttlesworth, and other Movement leaders denounce the injunction.

The city issues an order preventing bail bondsmen from bailing out jailed protesters. The result is that protesters too poor to pay their own bond may have to stay in jail for 6 months rather than just 6 days before being bailed out. Despite the lack of funds, Dr. King decides to march on Good Friday: I don't know where the money will come from.

I have to make faith act. They know they will be arrested and they know there is no money to pay their bail. Belafonte and Walker activate a letter, telegram, and phone call campaign to the Kennedys.

But the national press continues to disregard and discount the Birmingham campaign, the New York Times heaps praise on the "moderate" Mayor Boutwell while dismissing the demonstrations as " poorly timed protests ," and the Washington Post speculates that King is " prompted more by leadership rivalry than by the real need of the situation. King and the Movement by some of the city's liberal white clergymen who are supporters of Boutwell's "moderate" faction.

They criticize the protests as "unwise and untimely," and urge Blacks not to participate. They invoke their religious authority against civil disobedience and accuse the nonviolent protesters of inciting hatred and violence. From his prison cell, Dr. King pens a response in the newspaper margins and on other scraps of paper. Smuggled out of jail in bits and pieces, his rebuttal becomes " Letter from a Birmingham Jail. This 'Wait' has almost always meant 'Never.

The northern mass media utterly ignores King's response. Only after the campaign's ultimate victory does Letter From a Birmingham Jail becomes widely known to the public. After 8 days in jail, Dr. Abernathy are bailed out on Saturday, April 20th to prepare for their trial on Monday the 22nd. After a week-long trial, a Birmingham court convicts them of violating the injunction.

They remain out on bail pending appeal. But the Birmingham Movement is faltering, the boycott is weakening, bail funds are again exhausted, and it is harder and harder to find adults willing to risk losing their jobs by going to jail.

Most Blacks in Birmingham and Bessemer are working-poor, barely living from paycheck to paycheck.

Governors’ Salaries, | CSG Knowledge Center

Parents who have to feed and cloth their children cannot risk being fired and blacklisted. In response to a request from King, James Bevel and Diane Nash come to Birmingham from Greenwood Mississippi. No one has more experience than they in organizing and leading nonviolent direct action. Along with Dorothy Cotton and Bernard Lee, they focus their organizing on high school students rather than adults. The response is enthusiastic.

The nonviolent training sessions for young people soon grow larger than the adult-oriented nightly mass meetings. Bevel and the younger SCLC staff argue that the students are eager to participate, and when they are arrested it will not threaten the economic survival of their families.

But Birmingham is no Nashville, there was no injunction in Nashville, and no Bull Connor either. And in Nashville, most of the marchers had been students from four large Black colleges, but in Birmingham there is only tiny Miles College. The debate over allowing children to confront Connor's cops and endure jail roils the movement. King agrees, children who are old enough to join a church are old enough to make witness for justice.

In the tradition of the Black Baptist church, a child in elementary school can join the church by accepting the Christian faith. A passion for freedom sweeps through Parker High and the other Black schools of Birmingham and Bessemer, an emotional firestorm ignited by SCLC's young field workers. It's led by class presidents and prom queens, cheerleaders and football heroes like big James Orange.

It's a fire stoked and spread by "Tall Paul" White and other DJs at the Black radio stations. Thursday, May 2nd, is "D-Day" as students "ditch" class to march for justice. In disciplined groups of 50, children singing freedom songs march out of 16th Street Baptist church two-by- two. When each group is arrested, another takes its place. There are not enough cops to contain them, and police reinforcements are hurriedly summoned.

By the end of the day almost 1, kids have been jailed. That evening, almost 2, adults over-flow the nightly mass meeting at Bethel Baptist. As mandated by a court ruling, a pair of white police detectives are able to attend all mass meetings so that they can radio reports back to Connor. They usually sit in the front row and Movement speakers often address them directly as representatives of the repressive power-structure.

By confronting them, condemning their actions, and ridiculing them with humor, the speakers use their presence to erode the deeply ingrained traditions of fear and subservience that have held sway for so long. In family after family, worried parents wrestle with their justifiable fears and the determination of their sons and daughters. Says one boy to his father: Daddy, I don't want to disobey you, but I have made my pledge. If you try to keep me home, I will sneak off.

If you think I deserve to be punished for that, I'll just have to take the punishment. I'm not doing this only because I want to be free. I'm also doing it because I want freedom for you and Mama, and I want it to come before you die. With the jails already filled to capacity, and the number of marchers growing, Connor decides to suppress the movement with violence.

Instead of arresting the first group of marchers he orders his fire department to disperse them with firehoses.

Veterans of the Civil Rights Movement -- History & Timeline, (Jan-June)

But the students hold their ground, singing " Freedom " to the ancient hymn " Amen. Still singing, the young protesters sit down on the pavement and hunch their backs against the torrent. Connor brings up "monitor guns," high-pressure nozzles mounted on tripods and fed by two hoses that are used to fight the worst fires.

They're capable of knocking bricks out of a wall at feet. The students are washed tumbling down the street like leaves in a flood. Meanwhile, more groups of marchers are taking different routes out of 16th Street church, dodging around the firehoses and heading for downtown. The cops scramble to block them, arresting those who reach City Hall or the downtown stores. There is no room in the jails and the overflow prisoners are incarcerated at the county fairgrounds.

To contain and intimidate the demonstrators and the angry crowd, Connor brings up his K9 Corps of eight vicious attack dogs. As John Lewis recalled it later, " We didn't fully comprehend at first what was happening. We were witnessing police violence and brutality Birmingham-style: Saturday, May 4th, the student marches continue. Again Connor uses his monitor water-cannons to knock down and contain the young protesters, and again they use guerrilla tactics to evade the police cordon to reach City Hall and the downtown shopping district.

Connor knows he cannot use fire hoses or attack dogs against Blacks intermingled with white shoppers, so he has to arrest those who reach the commercial area, straining the capacity of his improvised prisons at the fair grounds. Again angry adults in Kelly Ingram park retaliate by hurling rocks and bottles at the cops and firemen until Bevel and other SCLC workers convince them that their spontaneous violence is undercutting the Movement's effectiveness. With the downtown stores closed for Sunday, the 5th is to be a day of pause, prayer, and nonviolent training for the next wave.

Led by ACMHR stalwart Rev. Charles Billups, and inspired by the courage of the children over the previous days, they catch Connor by surprise and make it five blocks through the Black community before the police and firemen manage to block them just short of the jail. By now the march line has grown to almost 2, people, who kneel two-by- two in prayer while Billups earn money for taking surveys tall, shouting to Connor: Turn loose your dogs!

We'll stand here 'til we die! Wyatt Walker averts a clash by convincing Connor to let the marchers hold a prayer service in a nearby park. To the marchers, it is a surprising taste of victory. Stung by growing public pressure, and moved by the images coming out of Birmingham, Kennedy sends Justice Department official Burke Marshall to calm the waters.

Marshall tries without success to convince King that the demonstrations should be halted. And he finds few whites of influence willing to sit down and negotiate with Blacks.

On Monday, the 6th, under pressure from a white power-structure desperate to avoid new images of savage brutality, Connor agrees to simply arrest anyone who tries to march rather than trying to beat them into submission with clubs, dogs, and firehoses. The jails are full, the improvised fairground prison is full, and many prisoners are now held in an open-air stockade without shelter from the rain. But the downtown shopping district is deserted, the stores empty as Blacks continue to boycott and white shoppers avoid the turmoil of demonstrators and massive police operations.

On Tuesday the 7th, the Movement escalates its boycott tactics. While Walker and Bevel hold Connor's attention by making themselves visible at 16th Street church apparently organizing more marches, students led by Dorothy Cotton, Isaac Reynolds, Jim Forman, and others sneak downtown in small guerrilla groups.

At H-Hour they grab signs hidden in parked cars and set up surprise picket lines all over the main shopping district. As the cops race towards downtown from Kelly Ingram park with sirens wailing, hundreds of young protesters dash out of the church, evade the few remaining cops, and stream downtown to join the others. Lines of students, now joined by hundreds of adults, weave in and out of stores, dancing to the rhythmic beat of freedom songs. Within the hour, thousands of protesters are picketing, sitting-in, blocking streets, and taunting the cops.

The entire central district is gripped by nonviolent pandemonium. The News reports the next day: Sirens Wail, Horns Blow, Negroes Sing. The cops are stumped, the jails and holding pens are full and the budget exhausted, they cannot make more mass arrests, but they cannot shoot up Birmingham's business heart with tear gas, or risk damaging stores and offices with high-pressure fire hoses aimed at quickly dodging demonstrators.

Back at Kelly Ingram park, the fire hoses are turned on new waves of nonviolent marchers coming out of the church. A high-pressure blast from a monitor gun is aimed at Shuttlesworth, smashing him against the brick wall of the church until he collapses. As he is rushed to hospital by ambulance, Bull Connor tells a reporter: Nationally, and around the globe, newspapers and TV carry descriptions and images of clubs, dogs, fire hoses, children marching for freedom, mass civil-disobediance and the mass jailing of American citizens.

Between April 3rd and May 7th, roughly 3, protesters are arrested and booked an unknown number of the very youngest marchers are simply sent home without charges being filed.

Finally, reluctantly, on the evening of May 7th, they agree to negotiate with Birmingham's Black community. Deep into the night the talks continue. From his hospital bed and then at the Movement's Shenzhen stock exchange opening hours Motel headquarters, Shuttlesworth objects to any cessation of direct action pressure, but understanding the importance of unity, he reluctantly agrees to publicly support the truce.

JFK holds a press conference lauding peace and good-will in Birmingham. But Governor Wallace quickly condemns any attempt to end segregation or what time does forex trading start in australia with Stock buying checklist. He sends in a small army of blue-helmeted Alabama State Troopers who begin military drills in Kelly Ingram park while Bull Connor orders his cops to padlock the doors of 16th Street church so it cannot be used as an assembly point.

A local judge allied with Connor resets bail for Dr. Shuttlesworth, Walker, and Bevel begin mobilizing for renewed protests. King and Abernathy refuse to accept bond unless the 2, protesters still in jail are also released, but conservatives in the Currency trading strategies excel community bail the two leaders out to forestall new demonstrations. Negotiations resume on Thursday the 9th, reaching tentative agreement to end segregation, but King refuses any settlement that leaves Birmingham children in jail.

Meanwhile, a new federal civil rights bill outlawing segregation, is introduced by House Republicans. It eventually evolves into the Civil Rights Act of With behind-the-scenes support from the Kennedys, Harry Belafonte works with the United Auto Workers union UAWUnited Steelworkers Union USWAand the New York City Transport Workers Union TWUto raise enough money to bail out all the jailed demonstrators. Movement attorney Clarence Jones flies that night from New York to Birmingham with a covered call options gold full of cash.

The next day, Friday the 10th, as the prison doors open and the children stream out, Shuttlesworth announces to the world press: The Klan reacts with violence. The next night the Gaston Motel and the home of Rev.

The bombings occur on Saturday night just as the bars in the Black district are closing. An angry crowd gathers in Kelly Ingram Park, and rocks and bottles fly at the hated cops who respond with brutal fury. When the State Troopers attack with rifles and shotguns, the furious mob sets some stores on fire. But the Movement understands that the hard-line racists are trying to sabotage the agreement with violence, and they hold dunkin donuts trade in stockbridge ga against provocation.

King, Wyatt Walker, Bernard Lee, and others work the crowd, calming tempers and reducing violence. In the following weeks and months the agreement is slowly implemented, with recriminations, disagreements, bickering, and conflicting interpretations. Shuttlesworth has to threaten resumption of protests to prod the process forward. But gradually, grudgingly, the "moderates" who are now in control of city government begin desegregation. In July, they finally repeal the segregation ordinances, the "White" and "Colored" signs come down, and the lunch counters are integrated.

But employers resist hiring and promotion of Blacks into "white" jobs for years to come, and job discrimination remains a reality to this day. The Ku Klux Klan, however, remains adamantly opposed to integration of any kind, and their pathological hatred of Blacks is as virulent as ever.

On September 16th, they strike with ruthless viciousness, bombing 16th Street Baptist Church, killing four young girls and wounding more than 20 others. Victory in Birmingham and the courage of the childrens' crusade inspire movements across the South. How much money does the governor of alabama make action protests erupt in community after comunity.

In the 10 weeks after Birmingham, statisticians count protests in cities, resulting in 14, arrests. For subsequent events, see: The boycott applied direct economic loss on the politically powerful white merchants. The power-structure also came to realize that the more Birmingham became associated in the public mind with bigotry, violence, and civil strife, the harder it would be to attract new investment.

And national corporations with large facilities in Birmingham wanted the crises resolved before their corporate identities became identified with brutality and racism. On the national level, the Kennedys had no interest in Birmingham, nor any intention of opposing segregation, until they were forced to take action by domestic public outrage and international embarrassment on the world stage.

A people's movement cannot rely on the national press. Today, media pundits pat themselves on the back, claiming that their civil rights coverage showed them to be great champions of freedom. The truth is quite different.

Until the courage of young protesters forced their hand, the mainstream national press discounted the Birmingham movement, opposed and undercut it, ignored " 888 learn more about binary options trading From hilton work from home jobs carrollton tx Birmingham Jail binary options on metatrader and derided Dr.

King while lauding Boutwell's go-slow "moderates. The news media did not make the Movement powerful, it was the power of the Movement that forced the press to cover it. Victory in Birmingham was won through nonviolent direct action in the form of mass civil disobedience. But that success was not accidental, it was built on a solid foundation of self-discipline and thorough training. For two months before action started, Jim Lawson and other SCLC activists trained demonstrators in the tactics and strategies of Nonviolent Resistance.

Before the students marched out of 16th Street church to face police clubs, dogs, and firehoses, they were trained in what to expect and what to do. That training did more than simply provide useful information, it removed the fear of the unknown, and provided a shared experience that built self-confidence, trust, and group-solidarity.

Because of that training, when the dogs lunged and the water blasts hit, they held together as a band of brothers and sisters instead of scattering as individuals.

And the disciplined courage of the protesters was itself a key component of the Movement's message, an example of Herbert Marcuse's famous dictum that " the medium is the message. For more information on the Birmingham Civil Rights Movement: Christian Century Birmingham Shall be Free Some DayFred Shuttlesworth.

Freedom Ways The Mailman's March Murder of William Moore April As Dr King and Rev. Abernathy are being bailed out of Birmingham jail following their arrest on the Good Friday march, William Moore, a white southerner, a member of Baltimore CORE, a U. On Saturday, April 20th, Moore stops in Washington DC to deliver a letter to President Kennedy informing the White House that he is taking his 10 days of vacation to walk from Chattanooga TN to Jackson MS where he will deliver a pro-integration letter to Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett.

The White House guards refuse to admit him or accept his note. Highway 11 near Gadsden Alabama, 60 miles short of Birmingham where he intended to visit his family.

A member of the Gadsden KKK is arrested for the murder, but is never indicted or tried. Vowing that they cannot allow violence to triumph over nonviolent direct action, two groups of activists take up Moore's march. They ask the Department of Justice for protection under their Constitutionally-guaranteed right of free speech.

The Justice Department refuses. One march, led by Diane Nash who has been training student protesters in Birmingham, includes Freedom Rider Paul Brooks and six others. They start from the spot where Moore was killed and head back towards Birmingham. Alabama State Troopers arrest them.

The other group of 10 CORE and SNCC activists starts out from Chatanooga to retrace Moore's entire route. This ftd work from home jobs includes SNCC members Jim Forman, Bill Hansen, Jesse Harris, Bob Zelner, and Sam Shirah a white student from all-white Birmingham Southern college who had attended a mass meeting to support the Birmingham Movement.

When they cross into Alabama, they too are arrested. For more information Civil Rights Movement murders: Mississippi or Bust Web: After the Greenwood cops agree to stop assaulting Blacks trying to register and LeFlore county resumes food distribution, voter registration organizers once again expand outward into surrounding counties.

Greenwood becomes the hub of activity for the Delta counties of LeFlore, Holmes, Carroll, Tallahatchie, Sunflower, and Humphreys. And organizers return to the areas around Laurel, Meridian, Hattiesburg, Holly Springs, and Vicksburg. White resistance remains vicious. In Holmes county, Hartman Turnbow, a farmer, is one of the first Blacks to try to register since the end of Resonstruction. He leads 12 others to the county courthouse. Klan nightriders surround his home, firebomb it, and then shoot at him, his wife, and daughter when they try to escape the burning building.

Turnbow grabs his rifle and returns fire, driving them off. The county Sheriff arrests Turnbow, accusing him of firebombing his own house and shooting it full of holes to win sympathy from Northern movement supporters.

Bob Moses and three other SNCC organizers are also arrested. The Movement carries on, and people of courage respond. In Sunflower County, Fannie Lou Hamer46 years old, mother of two children, a sharecropper and plantation worker all her life, steps up to register after talking to SNCC organizers and attending a voter registration mass meeting.

Accurate metastock buy and sell indicator and almost 20 others go down to the courthouse in Indianola.

The cops stop the old bus they are using, and arrest the driver because the bus is "the wrong color. Hamer returns estrategia forex graficos 1 minuto she is fired from her job and evicted from her home of 18 years.

Klan marauders shoot up the house of a friend who gives her shelter. Fannie Lou Hamer is not intimidated, she commits her life and soul to the Freedom Movement, first as an SCLC Citizenship School teacher, then as a SNCC field secretary and MFDP candidate for Congress. See Struggle for the Vote Continues in Mississippi for continuation. For more information on the Mississippi Civil Rights Movement: Inspired by the victory in Birminghammass protests led by Durham CORE and the NAACP Youth Council resume on May 18, as a desegregation campaign sweeps across central North Carolina.

Hundreds of students march downtown from North Carolina College today North Carolina Central University.

They stage sit-ins at segregated businesses and institutions, including lunch forex broker pay interest, the courthouse, and City Hall itself. More than are arrested. In support of those who have been busted, hundreds of protesters gather around the jail and courthouse. Newly-elected mayor Wense Grabarek who has not yet been sworn into office convinces the cops to allow food deliveries for the prisoners and the crowd returns to campus.

The following day, May 19, protesters rally at Saint Joseph's church to hear James Farmer of CORE and Roy Wilkins of the NAACP. They then target the Howard Johnson's, and hundreds of students sit down in the parking lot to block its use by customers. More demonstrators are arrested on May 20, raising the total oil futures trader drunk over 1, and filling the jails and courthouse holding cells.

Hundreds of white citizens mostly employed by Duke University take out a full-page newspaper ad urging desegregation, but other whites adamantly support the old order of white-supremacy and Black subservience. Racists mobilized by the Klan and White Citizens Council attack protesters in the downtown area, throwing rocks, firecrackers, and apples containing shards of broken glass at the Black students and their white supporters.

The protests and the racist violence deter shoppers, and retail business in Durham's downtown economic core plummets. Black student leaders confront the city council, demanding immediate desegregation, school integration, and an end to job discrimination. CORE and the NAACP threaten a summer of mass demonstrations if the demands are not met. Wense Grabarek, the new Durham mayor, assumes office. Elected in part with Black support, he immediately meets with Black leaders, including overstock trading companies student activists and direct action groups like CORE.

On May stock options roth ira, he addresses a freedom rally at St.

He promises to oppose segregation and calls for a bi-racial committee to resolve how to be a stockbroker in the uk issue. He asks Durham Blacks to suspend protests in the interim.

The Freedom Movement agrees on condition that any settlement has to be accepted by a Black negotiating committee headed by Floyd McKissick of CORE and NCC student leader Joyce Ware. Within a few months segregation is ended at almost all of the city's public buildings, movies, lunch counters, hotels, swimming pools, the Chamber of Commerce, and even the bitterly-contested Royal Ice Cream parlor and Carolina theater.

A few months later, Durham repeals the law requiring racial-segregation in eating establishments and a statement is adopted opposing discrimination based on race, color, creed, or national origin as contrary to constitutional principles and policies of the city and the nation.

For the first time, Blacks are admitted to Industrial Education Center job training programs 5 tips for christmas time binary options trading what used to be "white-only" retail hong kong stock exchange internship such as cashier and clerk.

Companies under federal contract agree to abide by fair-hiring regulations as required by federal law, half a dozen Durham banks, some insurance firms, and Duke University all agree to end race-based job discrimination.

Covert, "de-facto," race-discrimination in employment, education, housing, and other areas of economic and social life continues in less naked fashion, but segregation is no longer overt public-policy enforceable by l oreal cashmere perfect makeup. North Carolina Movement Web: In the after-glow of Birminghamin May of mass action against segregation is renewed in Greensboro, NC.

Though both the Greensboro Chamber of Commerce and the Merchants Association issue statements in favor of integration, local eating establishments and other businesses adamantly refuse to end segregation. On May 17 and 18, more than are arrested for sitting in and other acts of civil disobedience. As the number of arrests continues to climb, the jail is filled to capacity.

An abandoned polio hospital and the National Guard armory have to be converted into temporary prisons. Each day, Bennett College president Willa Player, a staunch supporter of the freedom struggle, visits her imprisoned students to bring them food, mail, and homework assignments so they don't fall behind in preparation for final exams which are fast approaching. With so many students incarcerated, parents and community elders step up to continue the struggle.

A Coordinating Council composed of student, CORE, and NAACP leaders, the Greensboro Citizens Association, and local ministers is formed to mobilize the community for action.

On May 19, CORE national chairman James Farmer addresses a huge mass meeting, asking how many are willing to go to jail? More than a thousand wave their toothbrushes in the air to indicate they are ready protesters carried toothbrushes and cigarettes for the inevitable sojourn in the slammer. Marches are shifted to the evening so that working adults can participate and on the 22nd, some 2, Blacks and a few whites, including many adults, participate in a silent march to Jefferson Square, the intersection that marks the center of Greensboro's downtown business district.

Overwhelmed by the number of prisoners they have to house and care for, city officials declare that bail is waived, all of the demonstrators can go home. Most of the jailed students refuse to leave, saying: Greensboro Mayor David Schenck appoints Dr. George Evans, a Black school board member, to form a new committee to negotiate with the owners of segregated businesses towards achieving desegregation.

The Black Coordinating Council demands an ordinance prohibiting segregation in public accommodations instead of requiring itcomplete school desegregation, promotion of " Negro Police " to full law-enforcement status, hiring of Blacks macgruber stock market crash city jobs, and dismissal of charges against protesters. On the 24th, they agree to temporarily suspend demonstrations pending the outcome of the Evans Committee effort.

More than 1, whites sign a pro-integration ad in the Greensboro Daily News. But the segregated businesses refuse to budge. With school ending for the year, demonstrations are resumed in early June. Under CORE rules of direct action, every demonstration is led by a captain who might, or might not, be an officer of the CORE chapter.

He declares, " We have given ample time for the committee to negotiate. We are concerned with actions, not words ," On Sunday, June 2nd, he leads a silent march of into downtown. On Wednesday evening, Jackson leads to protest at City Hall where, instead of praying silently on the sidewalk, they move into the street where they both pray and block traffic. Greensboro Police Captain William Jackson no relation to Jesse orders them to clear the street or face arrest.

Singing freedom songs, the marchers return to their church without incident. One adult marcher tells the mass meeting: We are tired of being maids, tired of taking care of their babies, cleaning their houses, doing their washing and ironing; then they spit in our faces. We aren't going to do it anymore, I tell you. We're going to have our freedom. But the white people aren't going to give it to us. We have to take it. I have a brother in jail in Danville. You can't believe in white people's promises.

I have two children here. I'm not afraid to die because this isn't living. I don't care if the blood runs in the streets. On the morning of Thursday, June 6, word spreads that an "Inciting to Riot" warrant has been issued for Jesse Jackson because he led the demonstrators into the street the night before at City Hall. Jesse addresses the crowd: In a few minutes I will be in jail. You are in jail as much as Gujarati data entry work at home in ahmedabad. Many of our fathers fought in the Second World War, some spent long months in prisoner of war camps.

My father fought in the Second World War and came home 'to the land of the free and the home of the brave. This movement won't stop with me in jail. Or you in jail. We have plenty of leaders. Patrick Henry said, 'Give me liberty or give me death. I have a infinite love of America and my feeling for America transcends my feeling for Greensboro.

Everyone knows he is just doing his duty as ordered by those in power above him. But there is deep anger at Jesse's arrest on an absurd charge there had been envelope stuffing jobs from home birmingham riot and at the white businessmen who insist on maintaining the humiliations of segregation.

Jesse's arrest galvanizes the Black community. In the twilight of a summer evening, a long column of singing marchers, two-by-two on the sidewalk, come flowing into downtown.

Singing " We Shall Not Be Moved ," they sit down, blocking traffic in all directions. The cops are ready. Every available Greensboro officer, the sheriffs and all their reserves, and 50 state Highway Patrolmen have been mobilized. Almost are arrested, hauled to the Memorial Coliseum in a Duke Power Company bus for booking. Hundreds of remaining demonstrators return to their neighborhoods to mobilize an even bigger protest for the next day.

The following afternoon, Mayor Schenck makes a public address from a local TV station. He calls for an immediate end to segregation in eating establishments, theaters, hotels, and motels. Selection of customers purely what do assistant managers at cvs make race is outdated, morally unjust, and not in keeping with either democratic or Christian philosophy.

A divided Coordinating Council agrees to again suspend direct action. Within a week, a quarter of Greensboro's segregated restaurants and businesses agree to desegregate.

But unlike Durham, progress in Greensboro is slow and grudging, with recalcitrant white resistance that Schenck finanzas forex florida the power-structure are either unable or unwilling to overcome.

Some Black student leaders call for a renewal of mass protests, but the momentum has faded and though they undertake some small actions there is nothing on the scale of May and June. When the Civil Rights Act of ends legally-enforced segregation nationwide a year later, more than half of Greensboro's eating establishments are still segregated. Most of Jackson's Black churches allow boycott leaders to speak at Sunday services.

Boycott committees are active in many of Jackson's Black neighborhoods and there are student committees at the three Black high schools, Lanier, Brinkly, and Jim Hill. Supporters in the North are mounting sympathy pickets understanding stock options startup Woolworths and other chain stores in Chicago, Denver, Los Angeles, New York, San Francisco, and elsewhere.

The boycott is energized and sustained by the young activists of the NAACP Youth Councils. But against the entrenched resistance of the White Citizens Council backed by state and local government, they know that the boycott alone is not strong eclipse trading system to break segregation in Jackson Mississippi.

Inspired by the Birmingham Movementthey are convinced that similar mass protests are necessary in Jackson. NAACP state Field Director Medgar Evers shares their views, but the NAACP's national leaders prefer lawsuits and voter education to mass direct action, and they control the purse-strings. Though they reluctantly accept the necessity of a few pickets being arrested to publicize the boycott, they adamantly oppose sit-ins, mass marches, or other tactics that they associate with Dr.

King, whom they view as an upstart rival. As an employee of the national organization, Medgar is prohibited from stock market volatility index vix or participating in mass direct action.

But the other NAACP activists in Jackson are unpaid volunteers and thus have more freedom to chart their own course. On May 12, Jackson boycott leaders send a letter to the white power-structure demanding fair employment, an end to segregation, and biracial negotiations with officials and community leaders. Large-scale, Birmingham-style, direct action is threatened if the city refuses to meet with Black leaders. The letter is signed by Medgar, Mrs. Doris Allison who is President of the Jackson NAACP, and Hunter Bear John Salter the NAACP Youth Council's adult advisor.

Led by Mayor Allen Thompson, the power-structure adamantly refuses to make any concessions or to meet with Black leaders.

A mass meeting is called on May 21 at the Pearl Street AME church. Mayor Thompson refuses to meet with the elected committee. Instead he appoints his own "Negro Committee" composed of conservative, pro-segregation Blacks, such as Jackson State College President Jacob Reddix who had previously suppressed civil rights activity on his campus.

One week later, on Tuesday, May 28, after training in the tactics of Nonviolent Resistance by Dave Dennis of CORE, young activists Lois Chafee, Perlena Lewis, Anne Moody, Memphis Norman, Joan Trumpauer, and Walter Williams, sit-in at Woolworth's lunch counter on Capitol Street in downtown Jackson.

They are joined by youth advisor Hunter Bear. Mercedes Wright NAACP Georgia youth advisor and Tougaloo Chaplin Reverend Ed King act as observers.

The boycott pickets outside are immediately arrested as usual. But, surprisingly, the cops do not bust those who are sitting in. Water mixed with pepper is thrown into their eyes. Jackson Police Captain Ray and dozens of cops do nothing as Memphis Norman is pulled from his stool, beaten and kicked. After he loses consciousness, the cops arrest him. Joan too is beaten, kicked, and dragged to the door, but with steadfast, nonviolent courage she manages to resume her seat.

FBI agents observe, and as usual do nothing. Hunter Bear John Salter later described what happened: Someone struck me several hard blows on the side of my face.

I almost passed out and had to grip the counter for support. My face was bleeding. Then I was struck on the back of the head and almost pased out again. I was dizzy and could hardly hear myself talking, but I asked Annie Moody what she thought of the final examination questions that I had asked in Introduction to Social Studies.

She smiled and said that she felt they were much too tough. Joan Trumpauer began to talk about her final exams. More ketchup and mustard were poured over us. Then sugar was dumped in our hair. Beittel, President of Tougaloo College, sits down to join the students' protest.

Unable to intimidate the sit-ins, the mob begins to smash up the store. At that point, the vz 58 aftermarket stock immediately order them out. In Mississippi it's okay to savagely attack "race mixers," but destroying commercial property won't be tolerated. The Mayor meets with the Black "leaders" selected by him and tells them he will desegregate public facilities such as parks and libraries, hire some Negro cops, and promote a few Black sanitation workers.

That night, more than 1, people attend a mass meeting at Pearl St. Church to support the boycott and the sit-ins. The young activists call for mass protest marches like those in Birmingham. But at the urging of the more conservative Black ministers, the young activists agree to temporarily halt demonstrations while the Mayor's promise is tested. The next day, Wednesday May 29, the Mayor denies that he made any concessions at all. He announces that protests will not be tolerated and hastily deputizes 1, "special officers" drawn from the ranks of the most virulent racists.

A mob of whites and over cops prowl Capitol Street ready to pounce on any pickets or sit-ins. Woolworths and other stores close their lunch counters and remove the seats. Pickets led by local NAACP chair Doris Allison are immediately arrested, but students successfully desegregate the Jackson library scene of the Tougaloo Make money fishing in hawaii arrest modern shares and stock brokers That night a firebomb is thrown at Medgar's home.

The police refuse to investigate, calling it a "prank. With the public school term ending the next day Friday, the 31sthigh school students begin mobilizing for mass marches to begin as soon as school lets out. At Lanier and Brinkley High, Youth Council activists lead several hundred students singing freedom songs on the lawn during lunch break. Cops force the Lanier students back into the building with clubs and dogs. The school is surrounded, and parents are beaten and arrested when try to reach school.

To protest police brutality, Tougaloo students and community adults stage a nonviolent protest at the Jackson Federal building site of federal court, FBI, and US Marshal's offices. Even though they are on federal property and their action is protected by the First Amendment, they are immediately arrested by the Jackson police. FBI agents and Justice Department officials observe this violation of Constitutionally-protected free speech, but do nothing about it.

As soon as school lets out for the summer on Friday May 31st, close to Lanier, Brinkley, and Jim Hill high school students join students on summer break from Tougaloo and Jackson State at Farish Street Baptist Church for the first mass march.

Their plan is continuous marches like Birmingham with jail-no-bail for those arrested there is no money for bail bonds, and the cost of incarcerating hundreds of protesters will put pressure on the authorities. Hundreds of cops, troopers, "special deputies," and sheriffs surround the church.

Whites in cars prowl the city waving Confederate flags. Led by NAACP youth organizer Willie Ludden, the students march out of the church two-by-two on the sidewalk. Carrying American flags, they start towards the downtown shopping district on Capital Street.

Forex brokers malaysia cops block the street. They grab the flags from the marchers and drop them in the dirt. Beating some of the marchers with clubs, they force them into garbage trucks and take them to the animal stockade at the nearby state fairgrounds. Department of Justice officials observe, and do nothing.

That night people attend a huge mass meeting. Though the students planned to go jail-no-bail, NAACP lawyers who oppose mass marches convince many of them to bond out. And the minors are forced to sign a no-demonstration pledge before being released. But a hard core of protesters over the age of 18 hold out, refusing to sign the pledge.

On Saturday, June 1st NAACP national head Roy Wilkins, Medgar Evers, and Mrs. Helen Wilcher of Jackson are arrested for picketing downtown stores. It is Wilkins first-ever civil rights arrest, and the three are quickly bonded out. A number of national NAACP leaders are now in Jackson vigorously opposing mass marches and mass arrests.

They argue for voter registration and continuing the boycott in the same manner as the past six months.

Despite their opposition, late in the day students and adults march. The cops are caught by surprise, and the marchers manage to get several blocks through the Black community before being surrounded and hauled to the fair grounds stockade in garbage trucks. On Sunday June 2nd, the Jackson NAACP offices are locked up tight and there is no place for marchers to gather. Using their control of funds, the national NAACP leaders oust the student and Youth Council activists from the democratically elected strategy committee and replace them with conservative ministers and affluent community "leaders" who oppose Birmingham-style mass action.

The new, reconstituted, committee agrees to refocus on the boycott, voter registration, and court cases. Over the how to make money with youtube monetization days the national NAACP leaders prevent any new mass marches.

Without the sustaining energy of mass action, morale sags and attendance at mass meetings drops, though a hard core of students are still holding out in the stockade, refusing to be bonded out. On Thursday, June 6th, a Hinds County court issues a sweeping injunction against all forms of movement activity. Though the injunction blatantly violates Constitutionally protected rights of free-speech and assembly, the national NAACP leaders who have taken over the Jackson movement choose not defy it with direct action.

Discouraged and disheartened, the last students accept bond and leave the stockade. Noted comedian Dick Gregory, who had come to Jackson to participate in demonstrations returns to Chicago saying: I came down here to be with that little man in the streets; and I was willing to go to jail for ten years, if necessary to get this problem straight. Without the pressure of sit-ins and mass marches, neither local officials nor the federal government have any reason to challenge the status quo.

And without the defiance of young protesters inspiring the courage of their elders, the NAACP's voter registration drive has little success. See Medgar Evers Assassination for continuation.

For more information on the Jackson Civil Rights Movement: An American Chronicle of Struggle and Schism Web: Jackson Movement for web links. Personal stories from the Jackson Movement: Population almost 50, one-third Black, two-thirds white. Strict segregation is the rule in Danville, few Blacks are registered to vote, whites hold all political offices, and the police are all white. The Danville Christian Progressive Association DCPAan SCLC affiliate, is led by the Reverends Lendall Chase, Lawrence Campbell, and Alexander Dunlap, along with Julius Adams and Arthur Pinchback.

They file suit in demanding the integration of Danville's hospitals, schools, cemeteries, public buildings, public housing projects, teaching assignments, and city employment opportunities. In early they are arrested for trying to integrate a Howard Johnson restaurant.

Inspired by Birminghama broad cross-section of the Black community meets on May 31st under the auspices of the DCPA. They call for desegregation of public and government facilities, fair employment, representation in government, and a biracial committee to monitor and address racial issues. A boycott of white merchants is declared, and a march to City Hall follows.

Most of the marchers are high school students led by Ezell Barksdale and Thurman Echols. There is a similar march each day for the next five days. He refuses to meet with them. They refuse to leave and sit down on floor to wait.

They are all are arrested for "inciting to riot. The daily march escalates to civil disobedience by sitting down on Main Street to block traffic. The next day Archibald Aiken, the local judge, issues an injunction forbidding protesters from interfering with traffic or business, obstructing entrances to buildings, participating in or inciting mob violence, or using loud language that might disrupt the peace. In response, DCPA leader Campbell calls Jim Forman in Atlanta to request assistance from SNCC.

Judge Aiken convense a special grand jury and indicts 13 DCPA, SCLC, and SNCC activists for violating the "John Brown" law. This law, passed in after a slave uprising, makes it serious felony to ". Black attorney and Movement activist Len Holt, who has been defending arrested protesters, is later added to the indictment. Answering the call, Movement activists arrive in Danville.

Among them are SNCC field secretaries Avon Rollins, Ivanhoe Donaldson, Dorothy Dottie Miller, Bob Zellner, SNCC summer volunteer Daniel Foss, and CORE members Bruce Baines and Claudia Edwards. Over the course of the summer, more than 15 SNCC organizers serve in Danville. The DCPA adds fair employment at Dan River Mills to its demands and daily picket lines are mounted outside the factory gates. The DCPA and SNCC call for a national boycott of the mill's linen and bedding products.

The boycott is supported by unions such as the ILGWU and Friends of SNCC chapters around the country. On Monday, June 10, nonviolent protesters kneel in prayer on the City Hall steps.

They are viciously attacked by police and hastily deputized city employees using clubs and high pressure firehoses. Of 65 protesters, 50 are arrested and 48 are injured seriously enough to require medical attention which is not forthcoming at the inadequate, segregated, Black infirmary the city hospital is "white-only". SNCC workers Avon Rollins and Daniel Foss are among those busted for violating Aiken's injunction. Arrested high school students are encouraged by the authorities to call their parents.

When their mothers and fathers arrive at the jail, they are arrested for "Contributing to the delinquency of a minor. On June 13, more than led by Rev. Chase march to City Hall to once again try to see the Mayor. As usual, he refuses to meet with Blacks. The protesters then wait for 9 hours on the City Hall steps. The sing freedom songs, Jim Forman of SNCC gives a lecture on Black history, and local church women bring them sandwiches and soft drinks. Finally, as the police mass for another attack, the demonstrators fall back to their church for a mass meeting.

Cops armed with submachine guns and a tank set up roadblocks to intimidate those who try to attend the meeting. By August 28th, date of the March on Washingtonover have been arrested in Danville on charges of inciting to violence, contempt, trespassing, disorderly conduct, assault, parading without a permit, and resisting arrest.

Danville sends a large contingent to join the huge march, but back home the arrests, violence, and intimidation have sapped the movement's strength. Demonstrations dwindle and become less frequent. It is only after the passage of the federal Civil Rights Act of and the Voting Rights Act of that conditions for Danville's Black community start to slowly change.

The hundreds of legal cases arising out of the suppression of the Danville Movement drag on for 10 years. Volunteer lawyers from the National Lawyer's Guild and the NAACP, including William Kunstler and Len Holt among others, fight the legal battles all the way to the Supreme Court. Eventually, the injunction is upheld and the convictions are allowed to stand, but the jail sentences are suspended. For more information on the Danville Civil Rights Movement: An Act of Conscience Web: Danville VA Movement Documents: Many of the local leaders who form the backbone of the Southern Freedom Movement across the South come up through the Citizenship Schools, first as students, then as teachers of others.

On the return trip, they have to change busses in Columbus MS. The driver shoves them out of line and forces them to sit segregated in the back of the bus. He calls ahead to the next rest stop at Winona MS, alerting the police and State Troopers who are ready when the bus pulls in on Sunday, June 9th. The actions of the driver and the police are in flagrant violation of the federal "no-segregation" regulations won by the Freedom Rides and numerous court rulings.

They are taken to an isolated county jail where no one can hear them scream. One by one they are taken to the interrogation room. June is stripped naked and beaten with a blackjack until the blood pours down her face. They call her "nigger bitch," and demand that she address them as "Sir. They beat her down to the floor, again, and again. Bloody and battered, they drag her back to the cells.

Then they come for Fannie Lou Hamer. The police know she tried to register to vote, and tell her, " You, bitch, you, we're going to make you wish you were dead. A Mississippi State Trooper tells them, " If you don't beat her, you know what we'll do to you. Hamer with a thich leather cosh. When the first one tires, they switch places.

Euvester Simpson, still a teenager, shares a cell that night with Mrs. Hamer, I sat up all night with her applying cold towels and things to her face and hands trying to get her fever down and to help some of the pain go away. And the only thing that got us through that was that We sang all night. I mean songs got us through so many things, and without that music I think many of us would have just lost our minds or lost our way completely.

When SNCC field secretary Lawrence Guyot calls the Winona jail from Greenwood, he is told he has to come in person to find out the charges, bail, and condition of the prisoners. Winona is only 25 miles from Greenwood and he arrives quickly. The police are waiting for him. They beat him with gun butts, strip him naked and threaten to burn off his genitals. Eventually a doctor warns the cops that they are close to killing him.

The Sherrif then arrests Guyot for "attempted murder. More SNCC activists reach Winona the following day June 10one manages to get into the jail where Annell Ponder is held. She reports back to the Greenwood office, " Annell's face was swollen She looked at me and was able to whisper one word: Hamer never fully recovers from her injuries, suffering from damage to her kidneys and partial loss of sight in one eye for the rest of her life.

In September, public pressure finally prods the Justice Department to file charges against the Sheriff, a State Trooper and three other police for conspiring to deprive the six of their civil rights. An all-white jury acquits them of all charges in December.

In later years Mrs. Hamer often speaks of Winona and the affect it had on her: I'm never sure any more when I leave home whether I'll get back or not. Sometimes it seem like to tell the truth today is to run the risk of being killed. But if I fall, I'll fall five feet four inches forward in the fight for freedom. I'm not backing off. Alabama for previous events. In the years following Autherine Lucy's unsuccessful effort to integrate the University of Alabama inhundreds of Blacks apply for admission.

They are all denied. The university works with state and local police to dig up any slander or accusation that can be used to disqualify Black applicants. And in cases where that fails, economic and physical intimidation and beauracratic evasion suffices. They refuse to be intimidated, and the frantic efforts of state detectives fail to find any grounds for disqualifying them.

In early June a federal judge issues an injunction ordering their admission and forbidding Governor Wallace from interfering. Back inwhen Wallace announced his candidacy for Governor, he promise defend segregation at all costs and to resist integration to the end even if it meant defying court orders, saying: Finally, at long last, with national support for civil rights growing, they are beginning to lose patience with the more extreme southern segregationists.

June 11 is registration day for the university's summer session. With his eye on future political prospects, Wallace orders the Klan to stay away from Tuscaloosa, he wants no violence to upstage his political theater. Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach later Attorney General in the Johnson administration confronts Wallace who is standing at a podium in front of the building.

In the full view of TV news cameras, Wallace cuts off Katzenbach's words and launches into a tirade condemning the federal government for usurping "states rights. This time the Kennedys are ready. They immediately federalize the Alabama National Guard.

Backed by rifles and bayonets, the commander of the guard does his duty, ordering Wallace to obey the court order. His political points scored and his segregationist credentials burnished, Wallace steps aside and Vivian Malone and James Hood are registered. Dave McGlathery is registered without incident at the Huntsville campus the following day. That night, Kennedy addresses the nation on civil rights. For more information on school desegregation: Schools and School Desegregation Web: President Kennedy orders him aside and enforces federal court integration orders.

That night, in response to Wallace's bombastic rhetoric and to explain his actions, JFK addresses the nation on civil rights. For the first time he unequivocally condemns segregation and racial discrimination, and he announces his intention to submit to Congress a new, effective, civil rights bill.

This nation] was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened. It ought to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color.

In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution. One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free.

And this nation, for all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free. During the campaign, JFK had assured southern white voters that he saw no need for any new civil rights legislation, and at the same time he told northern liberals and Blacks that he would address civil rights issues by issuing executive orders.

Once in office, however, he proved slow and reluctant to use his executive powers on behalf of southern Blacks and denied any need for new laws. A few hours after Kennedy's address, Medgar Evers is assasinated in Jackson MS. Report to the American People on Civil RightsPresident Kennedy. After a late meeting, and bouyed by President Kennedy's eloquent address to the nation on civil rights, NAACP state Field Director Medgar Evers returns to his Jackson home a bit after midnight in the early morning hours of June Hiding behind a bush with a high-power rifle is KKK and White Citizens Council member Byron De La Beckwith of Greenwood MS.

He shoots Medgar in the back and flees into the night. Medgar's wife Myrlie and their children rush to his side as he lays dying in the driveway. He is just 37 years old when they gun him down. King is just 39 when he is assassinated in Memphis five years later. At the time of his assasination, Medgar Evers is the most prominent leader of the Mississippi freedom movement. The son of sharecroppers, he grows up in Decatur, Mississippi.

He and his wife Myrlie move to Mound Bayou in the Mississippi delta where they begin organizing NAACP chapters in Mound Bayou is a Black town founded by freed slaves in the late s. In Medgar becomes the state's first NAACP field secretary, courageously traveling the state to organize and sustain the movement. He plays a key role in the desegregation of the University of Mississippi and the Jackson Movement. Medgar's assassination is part of a KKK plot to simultaneously murder freedom workers in three states: Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama.

Later that day, Klansman brutally beat SNCC worker Bernard Lafayette in Selma Alabama. Elton Cox, a CORE worker in Louisiana is also targeted, but the Klan is unable to locate him. On June 23, De La Beckwith is arrested for the murder. His fingerprints are on the rifle, witnesses place him at the scene, and he boasts of his crime to White Citizen Council and Klan buddies. An all-white jury refuses to convict him. During the trial, De La Beckwith is visited by Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett and Major General Edwin A.

Walker who had helped incite the white mob when James Meredith integrated Ole Miss in De La Beckwith is tried a second time, and again an all-white jury fails to convict him. As Medgar's friend Sam Baily put it: Myrlie and the children move to California where she enrolls in Pomona College, graduating in She is active in public affairs and continues the struggle to have her husband's murderer arrested, tried, and punished. In she is elected the national Chairwoman of the NAACP and serves in that position until Byron De La Beckwith is tried a third time and convicted by a jury of eight Blacks and four whites.

He is given a life sentence, and dies in prison in See Medgar's Funeral and the End of the Jackson Movement for continuation. For more information on Medgar Evers and Civil Rights Movement murders: The vast majority of doctors are white. Some will treat Black patients, but many refuse to treat Blacks under any circumstances, and others are like the Mississippi doctor who told historian James Cobb: I don't treat niggers without money.

And for those Blacks who can pay, the examination and treatment reflect the world-view of white-supremecy. Said one Black patient in the Mississippi Delta, " Most often I sits on one side of the office and he sits on the other asking questions. There ain't no listening, or thumping, or looking in the mouth like white folks get. Other hospitals require that a Black patient pay in cash before treatment white patients, of course, are treated immediately regardless of their economic circumstances.

There are few Black doctors or nurses, and most public and private medical and nursing schools in the South refuse to admit non-whites.

Most hospitals and county health departments won't hire Blacks for anything other than menial jobs. In many counties, Black doctors are not allowed to treat their patients in those hospitals that do admit Blacks because hospital "privileges" are restricted to members of the county medical associations which are "whites-only. According to the law, these federally-funded facilities are required to provide care to all races without discrimination, but Senator Lister Hill of Alabama added a "separate-but-equal" loophole which permitted segregated wards and buildings.

The inevitable results of segregated and unequal health care are starkly revealed by government birth and natal statistics. In Alabama, infant mortality among Blacks is twice that of whites, and a Black mother is four times as likely to die in child-birth as a white woman.

In June ofthe national convention of the American Medical Society AMA is held in Atlantic City, NJ. Inspired by the Sit-insFreedom Ridesand the struggle in Birminghama few progressive doctors decide to picket the convention to protest the AMA's continued tolerance of affiliated county and state medical societies that refuse to admit Black doctors, thereby denying them medical privileges in tax-funded hospitals. They face a problem though, " doctors do not carry picket signs.

Lear and Holloman met with the Atlantic City police chief who quickly grasps the class distinctions, " Yes, I understand, " he tells them. While some AMA delegates express support for desegregating AMA affiliates in the South, AMA official refuse to budge. The outgoing president charges that the picketers are " typical They have at least forced the AMA to publicly acknowledge the issue, and there is significant press coverage of their protest.

Returning home to Jackson Mississippi where he is one of just a handful of Black doctors, Bob Smith, " realized for the first time that from then on things would never be the same. I saw that I was serving a purpose, that there was a higher calling, and that this thing needed the kind of leadership and pushing that we were bringing, and that we would never give up until we had achieved some of these goals.

But there is no money or fund-raising mechanism to sustain the organization. By the Fall ofburdened with debts it cannot pay, MCCR disolves. Yet the ideas of a medical arm of the Freedom Movement, and equal access to health care as a civil right, do not die.

Soon a new organization, the Medical Committee for Human Rights MCHRrises from MCCR's ashes. See Medical Committee for Human Rights MCHR Founded for continuation. For more information on MCHR: The Medical Committee for Human Rights and the Struggle for Social Justice in Health Care Web: On the morning of Medgar Evers Assassination June 12former Tougaloo student Colia Lidell now married to Bernard Lafayette and working for SNCC in Selma, AlabamaHunter Bear John SalterPerleana Lewis, Willie Ludden of the NAACP, and Dave Dennis of CORE, lead a protest march of people, half of them adults, from the Masonic Temple NAACP HQ on Lynch Street.

They are blocked by a swarm of hundreds of cops who arrest and violently force the others to disperse with clubs and guns. The young activists mobilize for a mass meeting at Pearl Street church that evening from which they intend to stage a large night march.

Even though the police surround the church and intimidate those trying to attend, there is a huge turnout. But the national NAACP leaders in Jackson cancel the night march as too dangerous. The next day, Thursday, June 13 after training in nonviolent tactics by Dave Dennis of CORE, the young activists stage a mass march from Pearl Street church. The cops block it, tearing American flags from the hands of marchers as they arrest them. A crowd of Black bystanders watching the police brutality chant, " Freedom!

White Movement activists Steve Rutledge and Lois Chafee are also arrested with him. The cops and local press blame "outside agitators" for the growing anger and unrest among Jackson Blacks. Taken to the fair grounds stockade, the marchers are brutalized and some are forced into broiling hot "sweat boxes" under the blazing sun on a day when the temperature soars to over degrees. That night there is another huge mass meeting in the sweltering Blair Street AME church.

In memory of Medgar, SCLC offers to set up a "Medgar Evers Memorial Bail Bond Fund," but NAACP national officers in New York reject the offer out of organizational rivalry. Dave Dennis of CORE and NAACP youth advisor Hunter Bear argue for continuing the mass actions, but the national NAACP leaders in Jackson block them. On Friday, June 14, young activists again gather for a march, but national NAACP leaders tell them that if they are arrested that day they won't be out of jail in time to attend Medgar's funeral scheduled for Saturday.

Everyone is expecting a massive demonstration in conjunction with the funeral. Most of the young demonstrators don't want to risk missing the funeral march, so only 37 are willing to protest. It is Flag Day, so they go downtown carrying American flags, but no signs of any kind.

They are beaten and arrested, their flags seized. The national NAACP leaders agree to those terms and forbid the young activists from engaging in protest activity during or after the funeral procession.

Though bitterly disappointed, the militants who had worked soed so closely with Medgar understand that unity and discipline are essential. On Saturday, June 15, more than 5, people march in solemn funeral procession to honor Medgar Evers.

Among them are Nobel laureate Ralph Bunche, Dr. King, SNCC workers from the Delta, and thousands of Blacks from all over the state. An army of Jackson police, Mississippi State Troopers, and sheriff's deputies from many counties surround Collins funeral home. They are armed with rifles, shotguns, pistols, and snarling attack dogs.

Their faces are filled with hate. When the procession ends, the crowd spontaneously starts singing freedom songs in violation of the "silence" agreement. Suddenly they surge down Farish street towards Capitol Street in a spontaneous, unplanned, unorganized march.

Police invade a nearby building to arrest yet again Hunter Bear and Reverend Ed King who are trying to find a telephone. The police phalanx manages to block the marchers just short of Capitol Street. With clubs beating heads bloody, dogs lunging on their leashes, they slowly force the huge throng back to the Black portion of Farish street.

Firing pistols and rifles over the protesters' heads they drive them up Farish Street, shattering the 2nd-story windows of Black-owned businesses. Enraged by the vicious police violence, some angry Blacks retaliate by throwing rocks and bottles at the cops.

As the troopers and deputies prepare to fire directly into the crowd, Department of Justice attorney John Doar places himself between the two opposing forces to avert a blood bath. With Medgar dead, the national NAACP leaders and conservative ministers bypass the elected steering committee and take complete control of the Jackson movement.

Over-ruling the Youth Council activists and a large segment of Jackson's Black community, they quash any resumption of mass direct action. In return for a no-demonstrations pledge, the Mayor agrees to hire six "Negro Police" and eight Black crossing guards, promote eight Black sanitation workers, and he promises that the City Council will hear Negro grievances in the future. But he refuses to accept a biracial committee. Nor is there any agreement on the part of store-owners to desegregate lunch counters, rest rooms, or other public facilities, hire Blacks, or use courtesy titles such as "Mister" or "Miss" to Black customers.

It most cases, it denoted a Black man hired to keep other Blacks in line on behalf of the white power-structure.

While the specifics varied from one town to another, for the most part "Negro Police" were paid less than white cops, often had different badges or no badges at allcould only work in Black neighborhoods, and were usually not permitted to arrest a white person even if they observed that person commit a serious crime. As a general rule, they were armed with clubs, not guns. Nor could they assume any role that might imply social or occupational equality with a white man female police officers of any race were unheard of.

In some jurisdictions, "Negro Police" were not considered peace officers by the local judicial system. As a general rule, most Freedom Movement activists of CORE, SCLC, and SNCC did not consider the hiring of "Negro Police" to be any kind of victory, but rather a continuation of segregation. Ed King is riding with him.

Disheartened and disillusioned by the national NAACP's actions, those Youth Council students who continue their Freedom Movement activity turn to SNCC and CORE organizing projects outside of Jackson. Ed King remains active with COFO. Hunter Bear goes on to work for the Southern Converence Education Fund SCEF in North Carolina and elsewhere.

Without the power of mass action, the boycott fails to desegregate white-only facilities or obtain jobs for Blacks in white-owned businesses. Segregation remains the law in Jackson until it is overturned by the Civil Rights Act ofand defacto segregation continues for long after. The NAACP's voter registration campaign fails, few voters are registered in Jackson until the Voting Rights Act of is finally passed after two more years of heroic struggle, deep-root organizing, and mass action.

As Movement veterans, we note the following about the Jackson Movement of and the assasination of Medgar Evers: The Jackson Movement substantially cracked the mantle of fear which had enveloped the Black community in Jackson and its environs. It destroyed the self-serving white myth of Black satisfaction in Jackson and nearby counties. The violence of Movement opponents played a significant role in supporting the eventual passage of the Civil Rights Act of Film clips of the much-televised Woolworth Sit-In were shown to Congress at several points in debate over the Act.

The Jackson Movement, and Medgar's martyrdom, played an important role in focusing national and international attention on Mississippi.

By the time the Civil Rights Act of came into force, the white businessmen of Jackson were in no mood to do anything except quickly comply by ending formal, overt, segregation. But equal employment took much longer, and to some degree job discrimination lingers to this day.

See Jackson, MS Protests for continuation. Selma is also the unofficial economic, political, and cultural capitol of the western portion of Alabama's Black Belt similar in a sense to Greenwood, the political center of the Mississippi Delta. Most of them work as sharcroppers, farm hands, maids, janitors, and day-laborers.

Judge James Hare dominates Dallas County politics, and the county is sometimes referred to as a "political plantation," with Judge Hare as master and Sheriff Jim Clark as whip-cracking overseer. Hare is a self-proclaimed "expert" on racial eugenics. He asserts that the Blacks living in Selma are descended from Ibo and Angolan slaves who in his publicly-stated opinion are genetically incapable of achieving an IQ of higher than Clark is a brutal, hard-core racist, whose strategy for maintaining rigid segregation is to violently beat down and arrest anyone who dares question the established order.

And through bribery, intimidation, and blackmail, Clark has built a network of Black snitches who inform on their neighbors. Possemen wear cheap badges issued by Clark, construction helmets, and khaki work clothes. They are armed with shotguns, pistols, and a variety of hardwood clubs including ax-handles. Originally formed after World War II to oppose labor unions, the posse's current mission is to defend white-supremecy and supress all forms of Black protest.

The posse isn't limited to just Dallas County, Clark sends them on missions far and wide. In some were part of the mob that beat the Freedom Riders in Montgomery, others rushed to join the massive violence in Oxford Mississippi when James Meredith integrated 'Ole Miss inand Bull Connor called them in to help crack the heads of student protesters during the The Birmingham Campaign of Supporting Hare and Clark is Selma's powerful White Citizens Council composed of bankers, businessmen, politicians, landlords, clergy, and other pillers of the community.

Together, Judge Hare, Sheriff Clark, the posse, the Citizens Council, and the snitches create an interlocking reign of economic, judicial, and violent terror that imprison Dallas County Blacks in an iron grip of fear. But violence, jail, and economic terrorism cannot entirely supress the spirit of resistance in Selma. While a student at Howard Law School, Bruce Boynton is arrested for using a white-only lunch counter at the Trailways bus station in Richmond VA.

He files Boynton v. Virginiathe landmark Supreme Court case that overturns segregation in interstate travel and forms the legal basis for the Freedom Rides in After the Supreme Court's Brown v Board of Education school desegregation ruling and the Montgomery Bus Boycottthe Alabama Attorney General retaliates against the NAACP by mounting a legal attack that cripples the organization and drives it underground for years.

Anderson of Tabernacle Baptist Church, J. Chestnut Selma's first Black attorneydental technician and SCLC Citizenship School teacher Marie Foster, educator James Gildersleeve, school teacher Margaret Moore, and others respond by reviving the old Dallas County Voter's League DCVL of which Sam is chosen president. Against the entrenched power of Hare, Clark, and the Citizens Council they make little progress as the fifties end and the sixties begin, but they refuse to surrender to despair or apathy.

Struggle for the Vote Continues in Mississippi July-Aug. The Free State's Struggle with Equality," Marylandd Historical Society News, Fall SNCC The New AbolitionistsHoward Zinn. An American Chronicle of Struggle and SchismJohn Salter. The Making of Black RevolutionariesJames Forman. The Civil Rights Movement in Cambridge MarylandPeter Levy.

King Research Institute at Stanford University. Why We Can't WaitDr. Stories of Faith and Civil RightsCharles Marsh. On the Road to Freedom: A Guided Tour of the Civil Rights TrailCharles Cobb. The MCHR and the Struggle for Social Justice in Health CareJohn Dittmer. A Game of Nonviolence in Greensboro, NCby Robert Watson.